Search results

This paper aims to present research on the assets of first-generation college students and offer asset-based practices that can be implemented to support students during emergency transitions.

This paper reviews the literature related to first-generation college students and cultural wealth and then details practices for implementation by librarians working to enhance the transition to online learning for this student group.

The author identified in the literature six assets of first-generation college students: reflexivity, optimism, academic resilience, goal-orientation, civic-mindedness and proactivity. These assets coupled with Yosso’s concept of community cultural wealth provide a frame of reference for examining and implementing services and programs to enhance the educational experience of first-generation college students during emergency transitions.

Whereas existing literature on first-generation college students assumes a deficit lens, this paper puts forth the cultural assets of this population that may be leveraged by librarians. Student assets are positioned alongside forms of capital that also may be utilized to guide the work of librarians.

This paper aims to examine the potential for “triangular cooperation” between investment partners from Australia, China and host African nations to contribute to the economic development in Africa.

The paper discusses a number of complementarities between Australian and Chinese investors in mining, agriculture, energy, research and education and finance – sectors vital to Africa’s future development. These complementarities are examined in light of recent development studies on the benefits of triangular cooperation and recent literature examining links between foreign direct investment (FDI) policy and economic development.

The paper concludes that there is much to be gained by making the most of the existing and potential synergies between Australian, Chinese and local investors in African settings.

The implications of this paper are, first, that African nations should keep the benefits of triangular cooperation in mind when designing FDI policies and, second, that Australian and Chinese investors should be more willing to explore potential investment partner synergies when investing in Africa. The paper also suggests an agenda for future research into how good design of FDI policies might best promote healthy economic development in African nations.

Australian and Chinese companies should be more willing to explore potential avenues for cooperation when investing in Africa, while African governments should be more mindful of how rules and policies can maximise the local benefits of FDI.

African governments should be more mindful of the quality, rather than the quantity of FDI when drafting relevant laws and policies.

The value of the paper is in applying the concept of “triangular cooperation” to direct investment. The paper also provides an original focus on Australia-China investment synergies in African settings.

Based on a two-country (Nigeria and South Africa) case study, this chapter examines the national policies and practices to promote human capital development and cross-border mobility of labour and their effects on specific and overall quality of educational outcomes. The higher education sector of the African continent has witnessed phenomenal changes over the past century and more significantly so in the last three decades. As the role of the higher education sector in human capital development has been increasingly recognised, policies for internationalisation have become more diffuse and multisectoral, leading to far-reaching contradictions that have adverse consequences for the mobility of prospective students and academics. There is evidence that the production of human capital has faced serious challenges over the years and the World Bank that has been tracking these issues globally is supporting governments to enhance their human capital development efforts. At the same time, Covid-19 has become a major and enduring threat to human capital development. Efforts to sustain and maintain internationalisation and reap its positive benefits are required in order to enhance the contribution of the higher education system to development of human capital and beneficial exchange of knowledge and skills across the continent.

The purpose of this monograph is to present the first English translation of a unique French colonial report on women living under colonial rule in West Africa.

The issue begins with a discussion of the contribution this report makes to the history of social development policy in Africa, and how it serves the on‐going critique of colonisation. This is followed by the English translation of the original report held in the National Archives of Senegal. The translation is accompanied by explanatory notes, translator’s comments, a glossary of African and technical terms, and a bibliography.

The discussion highlights contemporary social development policies and practices which featured in identical or similar forms in French colonial social policy.

As the report demonstrates, access to basic education and improving maternal/infant health care have dominated the social development agenda for women in sub‐Saharan Africa for over a century, and will continue to do so in the foreseeable future in the Millennium Development Goals which define the international community’s agenda for social development to 2015. The parallels between colonial and post‐colonial social policies in Africa raise questions about the philosophical and cultural foundations of contemporary social development policy in Africa and the direction policy is following in the 21st century.

Though the discussion adopts a consciously postcolonial perspective, the report that follows presents a consciously colonial view of the “Other”. Given the parallels identified here between contemporary and colonial policy‐making, this can only add to the value of the document in exploring the values that underpin contemporary social development practice.

The purpose of this paper is to determine the major long‐term role that hands‐on entrepreneurship training could play in poverty alleviation and job creation in one of the poorest regions of South Africa – the Eastern Free State (EFS). This is done against a background of frequently occurring violent protests against the inadequacy of the government's hand‐out poverty alleviation strategy of social grants, free houses and free social services.

The paper uses desk research and quantitative analysis of survey data collected from the Phuthaditjhaba area of Qwaqwa in the EFS.

The poverty indicators confirm the accepted view of the Free State as one of the poorest provinces in South Africa, which makes Qwaqwa, the poorest part of the Free State, a real human plight. While government hand‐out poverty alleviation measures, with their unintended consequences of violent protests and demonstrations, may only help some of the poor in the short term, training in entrepreneurship and provision of other facilities could give poor owners of micro and small enterprises (MSEs) opportunities to grow their businesses and get themselves and other out of poverty. Furthermore, as a result of a huge communication gap, MSE operators in Phuthaditjhaba, the commercial hub of Qwaqwa, do not even know of government agencies charged with the responsible of assisting small business operators in the area. Though they lack the finance and other endowments required to grow their businesses, the experience has given MSE operators some ideas about the kind of assistance that may help in this regard and even make it possible for them to provide employment for others – finance, government support, infrastructure and premises, training, etc.

As shown by the findings of a study sponsored by the Maluti‐A‐Phofung local municipality, there is potential for growth of small businesses in many areas of the EFS economy. Training of survivalist entrepreneurs and other poor persons with potential could open their eyes to opportunities around them which they could take advantage of to improve their economic situation and that of other poor persons in the area through job creation.

In addition to highlighting the shortcomings of the current poverty alleviation strategy of the South African Government, this is the first study that brings entrepreneurship training to the fore in the fight against poverty in the EFS.

A youthful sub-Saharan Africa presents fertile grounds to nurture a new breed of inspirational and resilient leadership that could transform the continent for decades to come. Population statistics indicate that 44% of sub-Saharan Africa’s population is less than 15 years old. The timing is ripe to infuse transformational leadership skills targeting the youth to build sustainable peace. The most potent force of change in Africa today is her youthful, progressive, and courageous population. A renewed sense of patriotism, nationalism, and a brighter Africa abound with hope and prosperity is in the hands of the youth. The United States President Barack Obama recently said, “… You have the power to hold your leaders accountable, and to build institutions that serve the people. You can serve in your communities, and harness your energy and education to create new wealth and build new connections to the world. But these things can only be done if all of you take responsibility for your future” (Remarks by President Obama to the Ghanaian Parliament, July 11, 2009). This chapter incorporates the principles and power of appreciative inquiry, moral imagination, and moral leadership to offer the African Youth inspiration for fresh leadership. The overall outcome will be a discourse toward an African Youth Theory of Inspirational Servant Leadership.

The monograph argues that American racism has two colours (white and black), not one; and that each racism dresses itself not in one clothing, but in four: (1) “Minimal” negative, when one race considers another race inferior to itself in degree, but not in nature; (2) “Maximal” negative, when one race regards another as inherently inferior; (3) “Minimal” positive, when one race elevates another race to a superior status in degree, but not in nature; and (4) “Maximal” positive, when one race believes that the other race is genetically superior. The monograph maintains that the needs of capitalism created black slavery; that black slavery produced white racism as a justification for black slavery; and that black racism is a backlash of white racism. The monograph concludes that the abolition of black slavery and the civil rights movement destroyed the social and political ground for white and black racism, while the modern development of capitalism is demolishing their economic and intellectual ground.

Barack Obama's emergence as the leader of the world's most powerful nation stirred much enthusiasm in Africa. This article examines Obama's relationship to Africa and African reactions to Obama – spanning from the time of his election to the United States Senate to the current period of his role as president of the United States. Focusing specifically on Obama's Ghana speech and subsequent African policy initiatives, the article suggests that many Africans are disappointed with Obama's Africa policy and that this is the result of several misperceptions: misperceptions of Obama's power as US president, misperceptions of his moderate political world view, and misperceptions of his cosmopolitan identity as an individual of African ancestry.

Neoliberalism’s global scale crisis has been most acute in Africa, in terms of economic welfare, human suffering, ecological damage, and policy sovereignty. Social opposition to the first rounds of dissent was quelled during the 1980s, and export-led growth strategies finally appeared to pay off when, during 2002–2011, commodity prices soared and “Africa Rising” became the watchword. However, as commodity prices plateaued during 2011–2014 and then crashed, authoritarianism has revived. The reimposition of neoliberal policies, a new round of unrepayable foreign debt (in part associated with Chinese-funded infrastructure), and renewed austerity are all bearing down. From internal elite circuits, this threatens to unleash a well-known combination of neoliberalism, neopatrimonialism, and repression by authoritarian leaders. New rounds of protests, often arising as a direct result of these economic catalysts, were witnessed in some of the most famous sites of struggle such as Tunisia and Egypt in 2011, Nigeria in 2012, and South Africa at various points in recent years. Ongoing strife has also brought intense pressure on governing regimes in Algeria, Burkina Faso, Burundi, Cote d’Ivoire, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Ethiopia, Kenya, Senegal, Sudan, Togo, Zambia, and Zimbabwe, leading to major political reforms and even changes in regimes. This chapter examines the dynamics of this process to expose the neoliberal foundations of rising authoritarianism accompanied by repression – and resistance – across the African landscape.